The paper critically assesses theoretical and practical differences between “an original” and “a copy” of an artwork, in the context of dominant strands of thought about cultural and creative industries. One strand refers to the Frankfurt critical theory, whereby the other refers to the theory of balancing contemporary European theory of cultural policy. The first favours authenticity in arts and duality between an original and a copy, while the other critically appraises most contemporary social dichotomies in culture and arts. The paper aims to examine basic strategical dilemmas of cultural policies regarding the meaning of art and culture in the context of development of cultural and creative industries. The research starts with an assumption that dilemmas stem from unsustainable dichotomies, particularly in the context of digitalization, which additionally encourages critical assessment of the reasons “for” and “against”. It is placed in the context of comparative theory of democratic transition and consolidation, particularly referring to Serbia which is crossing over from the final phase of transition into a democratically consolidated society. The research results show that the difference between an original and a copy is not such a sharp line as the Frankfurt critical theory suggests. It is demonstrated that the disappearance of the original’s aura is the most visible in creative activities of industrial type, more precisely cultural industries, whose expansion has marked the 20th century and which are completely based on technical reproduction i.e. copying of artwork. On the other hand, two other pillars of creative industries typical of the 21st century are not sensitive to the difference between an original and a copy. They involve significantly more from the contemporary artistic production, including creative activities of non-industrial type, such as various types of visual and performance arts, as well as business-like cultural and creative activities which use artistic creativity to bring about added value of products and services, that can be, but are not necessarily, artistic or cultural. This is why the debates about the original and the copy do not make much sense. Actually, because of the involvement of these two pillars of cultural and creative industries, the more pertinent issue is the decay of the artwork aura reduced to an aesthetical value, without a spiritual – theurgic dimension, which secular society refuses to pose in science and education, as well as art production practice, even though it is vital for the understanding of the meaning of culture and art in the contemporary society
The paper deals with analysis of economic measures of cultural policy in Serbia from the perspective of their influence on boosting philanthropy and promoting bequests. The first part of the paper explains conceptual terminology of the basic dimensions of philanthropy. The second part of the paper discusses economic measures of cultural policy from the perspective of theirs role in creating institutional framework for development and sustainability of philanthropy and bequests. At the end of the paper cultural policy recommendations for improvement of national cultural policy are presented.
This paper outlines the historical origins and contextual specificities of the development of music videos as a specific media form accompanying the ups and downs of the popular music industry in the socialist Yugoslavia and Serbia as one of its successor states – from the socialist system of workers’ self-management to the (postwar) neo-liberal capitalist economy. The focus of this paper is on the strategies for promotion of music products (and performers) and the fusion between music and advertising industries in the period of transitional restructuring of economy in general and the music industry in particular. In the socialist 1980s, music videos in Serbia were predominantly produced by the relatively inflexible system of public television broadcasters, who only exceptionally used music videos for promoting commercial products. This situation notably changed in the early 1990s with the rapid deregulation of the media system and Serbia’s entry into the “full-fledged” market economy. For the newly launched TV broadcasters music videos soon became a popular (and inexpensive) segment of airplay. At the same time, they began to serve their “original” purpose – advertising new music releases and talents. Nevertheless, in the chaotic circumstances of Serbia’s war-time economy, UN sanctions, spiraling of inflation, mass impoverishment, unemployment and other symptoms of economic crisis, advertising per se had questionable commercial effects. This largely holds true for commercial effects of music videos. Due to the global developments in the media systems (emergence of the Internet as a prime medium for broadcasting music videos), their TV airplay is diminishing and standards of their technical production are rapidly rising, along with audiences’ expectations. This makes music videos (at the same time) more expensive and less economically viable. The logic behind the fusion of music videos and “traditional” TV commercials reflects the chaotic circumstances in the music industry, as well as the Serbian economy in general.
First products of the hip-hop culture reached the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia in the first half of the 1980s, about the same time they arrived in Western Europe. Still, hip-hop, taken as a rounded lifestyle, did not establish itself as a separate subculture within a thin layer of urban middle-class youth until the early 1990s, with help of satellite television, foreign magazines and bootleg tapes. Some fifteen years after, hip-hip became one of the most widespread youth cultures in Serbia. The objective of this paper is to research the evolution of this process, showing how more and more youth from different social strata have adopted hip-hop while simultaneously adding new local meanings to the imported culture. The article argues for the thesis that the spreading of hip-hop was allowed through acceptance of a diverse local heritage of turbo-folk, funk influences in the pop-music and the urban Roma culture. The rappers’ imitation of the dressing styles, slang and diesel subculture attitudes from the early 1990s, which promoted criminal lifestyles, is given as an example.
Nowadays, foods exclusively intended for indulgence are so often included in the basic human diet. Thus, we are so attached to them that they have become part of our everyday life, recognizable in the culture and the society surrounding us. Coffee is one of those foodstuffs: a drink known as “black gold”, which had to travel a long way in space and time to be in our warm cups today. Coffee, however, is much more than an ordinary drink that satisfies our senses of smell and taste. It has eventually become a true socio-cultural phenomenon which has acquired specific characteristics and has shaped norms of behaviour in different societies. In this paper we will present the significance and the influence of coffee on the culture of contemporary societies in Italy and Serbia, as well as on the formation of significantly different customs and rituals associated with coffee drinking. The aim of this paper is to point out potential cultural disagreements that could arise between members of these two nations due to the different historical development of the coffee culture that has led to emergence of different customs.
The paper deals with analysis of economic freedom and cultural entrepreneurship in Serbia, as one of the principles of democracy. In the first part, terminology of economic freedom and entrepreneurship in culture is explained from the perspective of culture in relation to democracy. The paper also gives contextualization of those phenomena at the level of public policies. In the second part of the paper, historical analysis of institutional framework for development of cultural entrepreneurship is presented. Also, the achieved level of economic freedom in the field of culture is assessed. At the end of the paper, cultural policy recommendations at the national level are identified.
In Serbia, transition has implied a transformation of the entire social system in the spirit of democracy. On the road to developing democracy, strategic planning has been a key instrument of cultural policy. Although it used to be practiced in the self-management system, based on the method of cooperative planning, the start of transition introduced the concept of strategic planning as a complete novelty. This is why the implementation of long term planning can be observed as a new/old challenge on all levels of management. This paper deals with the implementation of strategic planning in Serbia on the local level, in the period 2000-2018. It gives a review of local strategic planning initiatives in culture and analyses their implementation on the local level. Since the start of transition, over ten years, we have had a Law on activities of public interest in the field of culture (1992) which was in conflict with the increase of autonomy of local self-governments and the processes of democratization and decentralization that started in Serbia after 2000. This incompatibility, as well as the lack of a national strategy for cultural development has also reflected on the absence of local strategical plans in the field of culture.
When the World War I broke out, the Radical Party ceased operating along with all other Serbian organizations in Austria-Hungary. Its leaders spent the subsequent war years in the internment. The above mentioned Radicals reactivated during a rather tumultuous autumn in 1918. The Radicals from Srem, led by Žarko Miladinović, started their cooperation with the National Council from Zagreb. Their main activities were to protect the Serbian national interests and to demand an unconditional unification with Serbia. The Radical leaders from Bačka, Baranja and Banat headed by Jaša Tomić were very cautious in their public appearances because they were not sure of the future of the Hungarian borders. It was not until the beginning of November that the Serbian National Board was formed. A number of such bodies were formed in many places all over Vojvodina. The culmination of these activities was the Great National Assembly held in Novi Sad on November 25th. Due to the Radicals and Jaša Tomić especially, a decision to annex Bačka, Baranja and Banat to Serbia was made in this Assembly: they decided to join them directly to Serbia and not through the National Council in Zagreb, which was the other alternative. A day before the above mentioned event, representatives of the National Council from Srem also expressed their support to a direct unification with Serbia at their meeting held in Ruma.
The Jewish Diaspora has begun back in the classical era with the conquests of the Roman Empire, and has never finished. Since this period, Jews have been populating the Balkan countries. In Serbia, this is particularly characteristic of a later period – the Middle Ages and the New Age, when Sephardi and Ashkenazi Jews began to inhabit Serbian cities and towns. Jews were a peaceful urban population, skilled tradesmen and craftsmen, educated people with relatively developed business relationships overseas. Although they have lived for centuries in a different environment, Jews preserved their specific ethnic and religious identity. The Jewish religion is Judaism, and their unconditional respect for the Torah and the Talmud has resulted in preserving essential foundations of the whole system of Jewish customs, rules and regulations, which defined their life in the broadest sense. Therefore Jewish religious and traditional beliefs are universal for all Jews, wherever they live. In Serbia, as in all other countries, Jews have fitted into the environment and shared the fate of their neighbors, but in cultural, religious and traditional terms, they have been a world in itself. The Jewish mourning rites represent a very complex ritual system with a special place in human minds. The “Beth Kevaroth – House of The Dead” is an article about Jewish customs regarding death and burial, based on which one can look at a specific, essentially different culture than the culture of Serbs and other Christian communities, despite some similarities in procedures and even some ideas.
In Serbia, appearance of the first anime concurred with their appearance in the rest of Europe. However, reception of the Japanese popular culture was dramatically slower due to the long time Serbia had spent in isolation and under sanctions. Unfortunate regressive consequences of this isolation have even affected reading habits. With the closure of this dark period, Serbian public was left alone and forced to fight for its preferences. Today, the situation is much better since new generations have the opportunity to learn about the Japanese popular culture thanks to growing internet and the work of Sakurabana Association and other individuals. Young people show great interest in Japanese comics since the nature of this media is to convey massages in a very easy and efficient manner. Fact is that there is already a considerable number of people in Serbia who share their love for the Japanese popular culture, which promises even wider acceptance and a growing audience.