In this paper, we will apply the theoretical framework of the minimal definition of democracy (electoral democracy) to the example of the Republic of Tunisia after the changes that have occurred after The Arab Spring. We wish to illustrate the hypothesis that democratic political culture, which has a permanent character, can play an important role in maintaining the nucleus of democracy – the electoral process. Also, we will try to show that specific (liberal and tolerant) cultural – historical heritage and political practice in Tunisia are important factors for the formation and maintenance of democracy in that country (at the minimum level). Our goal is to try to give a general evaluation of whether Tunisia, a few years after The Arab Spring, can rate as electoral democracy. Indirectly, we will discuss how Islam can be barrier to the democratization of society.
In this paper we have attempted to present the global language system theory of Abram de Swaan. We have offered a critical analysis of the application of rational choice theory to the problem of relationship between different natural languages. The use of rational choice theory and de Swaan’s instrument of the communication value have placed limits on the scope to which his contribution can produce a more complex explanation of the second language learning. De Swaan eclectic (parallel) approach in the considered study does not resolve the problem of a narrow theoretical framework of the global language system (communication value). However, we have offered some possible direction for improvement and better understanding of the global language system within the same theoretical frame.
This paper sets up a general framework for sociological study of the identity of fathers. Having in mind that popular discourses as well as professional circles debate more and more often about the crisis of masculinity which also involves questioning and new forms of male parental practices, the issues of fatherhood have grown especially appealing to the sociologist, psychologists, pedagogues, social workers and other professionals interested in family life. In processes that characterize recent modern society, male identity has become a subject of a special section of gender studies – masculinity studies. A father role traditionally implied a family protector and a provider, as well as a link with the outer world in which he represented the interests of his family group and defended his honour and that of all family members. While the modernization processes have downsized the father figure as a family representative in the outer world to the symbolic representation or have equaled him with the mother figure in the same role, the issue of the provider of the family remains very significant. Although equalization of men and women in public domain has gradually led to decreased asymetry in their income and raised contribution of women to the home budget, the role of a man as a provider is changing more slowly both on the identity level and on the level of real world practices.
After the dissolution of SFRY and ensuing wars, the history textbooks in newly formed states were modified. New identities and new visions of some issues had to be fitted into new ideological frameworks. The main purpose of this paper is to determine how different countries, formed after the dissolution of SFRY, represented ensuing wars, how different individual and social actors (presidents of republics, military corps, nations) represented themselves, whether stereotypes of nations and ideologies were exploited, what was the ideological purpose of certain narratives of the SFRY wars, how much importance was attributed to this topic in separate national histories, and what significance representation of Yugoslav wars in historic textbooks could have for the future relations in the Balkans.
The paper analyzes the prevalence and socio-demographic characteristics of environmental activism in Serbia. Analysis of the data collected in three research projects (survey conducted on a representative sample for Serbia (N = 1952) and two environmentally vulnerable communities (Pancevo (N = 450) and Bor (N = 350)) and semi-structured interviews with 44 leaders of environmental non-governmental organizations from Serbia) is focused on answering three questions: 1. What is the extent to which environmental activism is developed in Serbia, in general, and environmentally vulnerable communities, in particular? 2. What are the main socio-demographic characteristics of environmentally active individuals in Serbia?; 3. What are the main socio-demographic differences between environmental activists in the environmentally affected communities and those who are active in the other areas? The research results show that environmental activism is relatively underdeveloped in Serbia in general, as well as in the directly affected communities. A typical environmental activist is a young man or woman, city dweller, member of the middle class and a highly educated person who is in a relatively secure financial position. When it comes to Pancevo, the data show that socio-economic variables (financial and class status) do not have a statistically significant effect. This could be attributed to the “democratising” effect of environmental risks. On the other hand, the case of Bor is rather atypical since none of socio-demographic variables shows statistical significance, which can be explained with almost total economic dependence of the operations of RTB Bor (which is also the largest polluter).
This paper aims to determine whether the global crisis of neoliberal economy (which became transparent in 2008 and lasts till this day) has led to a decline in support for economic reforms and privatization processes in Serbia, and particularly whether this support differs among social classes. The analysis relies on the data obtained within two research projects – Stratification and Value Changes in the Period of Social Transformation (2003) and Тhe New Challenges of Social Integration in Serbia: Concepts and Actors (2012) as well as on national representative samples. It involves examination of the degree of respondents’ support for empirical statements measuring orientation towards economic liberalism (general and specific) and privatization of different segments of public sector.
Purpose of this work is examination of the position of Serbia in the global capitalist system according to economic characteristics, determination if it can be characterized as a country in the centre, semi-peripheral or peripheral to the global capitalist system, using economic parameters selected based on operationalized theory of Immanuel Wallerstain. The paper will show that the structure of capitalism displays clear differences in its centre, semi-periphery and periphery. The centre is a place with all the capital, where technological innovations and political power provide most sophisticated products which are also most expensive. However, its economic power is primarily based on the exploitation of periphery which offers cheap work force and low production costs. Semi-periphery is found between the centre and the periphery, and is so both the exploiter and the exploited. The Wallerstain’s theoretical standpoint is very fruitful for studies of modern social relations in the global context, based on exploiting a large number of countries in the global capitalist system.